Saturday, September 27, 2008
Friday, September 26, 2008
Thursday, September 25, 2008
Question: "In the book you speak of the necessity to make a sustained effort to improve the distribution of incomes in Latin America, and that this deficiency has perpetuated social problems and inequality in the region. Is the level of violence currently seen in Bolivia part of this context?"
Fukuyama: "Unfortunately, in Bolivia conditions do not exist for a better system of redistribution. Evo Morales' attempt to remake the constitution is an attempt to more radically distribution power inside Bolivia, and that is only going to create a redistribution of wealth among them."
Good one Fukuyama. Can't beat that logic. Newsflash: you're irrelevant.
(apologies to BoRev for the massive plagiarism)
Wednesday, September 24, 2008
Additionally, the story does not cower from the fierce and violent politics surrounding the UJC, stating "detractors label the union a neo-fascist gang of modern-day brownshirts whose adherents crack heads in the service of the eastern landlord elite." It is a big deal for the "F" word to be used by the US press, even if only from the mouths of "detractors". (There is this strange myth in the US that since we 'defeated' fascism in WWII it is impossible for anyone to be a fascist since, unless of course they have a swastika tattooed on their forehead, but at that point one is too idiotic to even be a fascist and is instead simply a "white supremacist"). So kudos LATimes editors for dealing with reality and letting the "F" word pass through the presses.
The article focuses on the sad story of UJC member Edson Abad Ruiz, a young man who did not listen to his mother, joining the militants in a raid on a roadblock at a pro-government town near the city of Santa Cruz, Tiquipaya, in which he suffered injuries latter resulting in his death.
So now his fellow unionistas have made him a "martyr". For what? Seriously. A martyr to what? Marinkovic's land estates? Ron Larsen's slavering? Ruben Costas' racism? "Santa Cruz"? Whose Santa Cruz? Is Tiquipaya and its residents not also apart of Santa Cruz? What a travesty.
Now, if I can move to some criticisms of the article.
The strangest part of the piece is its translation of UJC's name, the Unión Juvenil Cruceñista as "Juvenile Union of Santa Cruz". Why is "Juvenil" the only word not properly translated, as "Youth"? Is the actual name too close in resemblance to other "youth" groups in history? Honestly it is just weird.
While giving readers an honest look at the face of the UJC, the piece skirts directly addressing the question of their backers, that "oligarchy" detractors so speak of. Might readers not have found it informative that the UJC is formally connected to the elite Comite Pro Santa Cruz, old links going back to its establishment which have not just recently "sprung up". Also that the Comite Pro Santa Cruz is an unelected council of prominent regional business and political leaders, who claim to speak on behalf of Santa Cruz. Eventually, the press might find it necessary to drop the quotes on "oligarchy".
Finally, reading the article we are constantly reminded, beginning with the title, that the UJC is only one side of a violent conflict seemingly polarized between dueling political forces and local militias. But where is the other side? We heard of them, about them, but not from them. I imagine Tiquipaya residents have a different take on the UJC and this "ambush" they apparently pulled. No? But I guess all these loose ends are for tying up later.(?)
So now that the cat is out of the box, where is everyone else? Where are their takes on the UJC? Huh? Come on Simon Romero. Where you at New York Times, "paper of record"? Are you just going to let some jerks in the cultural wasteland of Los Angeles simply beat you to the scoop? What are you, the SFChronicle? I guess you're just a bunch of pussies. You heard me. What ya' got?
Tuesday, September 23, 2008
But we haven't even gotten to the steaming pile yet, before which I'd like to remind everyone of Gamarra's last editorial on Bolivia, "Washington Silent on attack at US Embassy". In it he claimed that the protest by El Alto residents rightly pissed over US granting of "political asylum" to the butchers of the 2003 'Gas War' was actually a mob, encouraged by Morales, trying to "burn down" the US Embassy. This fictional account was later picked up by Simon Romero at the NYTimes to villianize Morales in an article on the "Drug War" in Bolivia.
Because the 2003 El Alto protests do not quite explain what is happening today, 2008, in Santa Cruz and elsewhere in the Media Luna, Gamarra further explains that opponents to Morales are fighting "efforts to unilaterally impose a constitution that was approved irregularly and only by members of the official party." First, actual approval of the proposed constitution will ultimately be up to the Bolivian people to decide in referendum. However, it is not the will and desires of the Bolivian people Gamarra concerns himself with in this editorial but rather perceived "irregulaties" in final drafting of the document by the Constituent Assembly which he falsely claims was approved by only members of Morales' MAS party. Don't trust me? Ask Dorian Medina, the owner of Burger King Bolivia and head of the center-right UN party, who participated in final drafting (maybe he's a secret communist?) or any member of the 10 political parties who voted on the proposed constitution during the Constituent Assembly's closure in Oruro.
Now, why is this falsehood so serious and damaging to Gamarra's reputation? Because it is a fact that is in no way open to dispute or interpretation (we're talking about counting numbers here) and a very old one at that. It's been nearly a year for Gamarra, sitting in Maimi, to read through all the various reports and accounts of the Constituent Assembly and acquire such a basic fact. But oddly, this "expert on Bolivia" has managed to loaf the last ten months, not even able to do a basic fact check on a point absolutely central to his argument railing against Evo's supposed tyranny, to the defense of professed racists and fascists. Gamarra, you're a joke. Please. Take a break.
Saturday, September 20, 2008
Don't take my word on the shadiness of US funding for political opposition groups in Bolivia and their racist, violent tactics. Take the word of these 90 Bolivia and Latin America experts! woot! Their letter to the US State Department in full:To Dr. Condoleezza Rice, U.S. Secretary of State
Cc: Phillip Goldberg, U.S. Ambassador to Bolivia
Henrietta Fore, Administrator, U.S. Agency for International Development
Representative Eliot Engel, Chair, Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere, Committee of Foreign Affairs
Senator John McCain
Senator Barack Obama
Dear Dr. Rice,
Since the United States government refuses to disclose many of the recipients of its funding and support, there is currently no way to determine the degree to which this support is helping people involved in violence, sabotage, and other extra-legal means to destabilize the government of Bolivia.
Yet since the democratic election of Evo Morales in December 2005, the
The OTI in
According to the OTI, it ceased operations in
The recent opposition violence appears to be an organized response to this mandate, attempting to use extra-legal means to win what the opposition could not gain at the ballot box. This includes the National Democratic Council (CONALDE), composed of "five provincial governors, business associations, conservative civic groups, and legislators of the rightwing Podemos party led by former president Jorge Quiroga."
Perhaps most alarming is the recent evidence of close collusion and cooperation between the departmental governments and violent groups such as the UJC (Unión Juventud Cruceña, or Union of Santa Cruz Youth) and the Santa Cruz Civic Committee. As a new campaign of violence began following the August 10 recall referendum, a Reuters journalist interviewing Santa Cruz opposition leader and prominent businessman Branko Marinkovic witnessed UJC members going into Marinkovic's office and coming out with baseball bats. Even more startling is evidence that the events of the past two weeks are the result of a deliberate decision by the opposition coalition CONALDE to pursue a campaign of violence. Media reports describe how opposition Podemos legislators were ejected from an early September CONALDE meeting after voicing opposition to the violent methods under discussion.
News articles in the past week further noted the support from some departmental prefects and other regional government officials' for the violence. "The conservative governors are … encouraging the protesters in their actions," Agence France Presse reported, adding that, "The opposition coalition, which also includes town mayors, have focused their attention on the main source of Bolivia's income: the natural gas fields that lie in their eastern half of the country," and "Militants linked to the opposition group set up road blocks to add pressure to the governors' demands for more control over gas revenues." 
The racist nature of the UJC and other hate groups is well known and documented. These groups have focused their attacks mostly on indigenous MAS (governing party) supporters. In May, for example, members of the "Interinstitutional Committee," composed of civic and local leaders, and other youth militants forcibly marched indigenous and peasant supporters of President Morales to the city center of
As you know, at least 15 people have been killed in the past several days in Pando alone - the great majority of them Bolivian peasants and farmers - in what eyewitnesses describe as a massacre by assassins with machine guns. The Bolivian government has arrested Pando prefect Leopoldo Fernández in connection with the killings.
This violence, which has been accompanied by sabotage that has caused extensive economic damage, is utterly deplorable, and should be condemned from every quarter. Yet the
The State Department website shows no statement between May 5, 2008 and September 11, 2008, indicating that the State Department failed to condemn the violence in recent months, and also failed to congratulate President Evo Morales on his overwhelming victory in the August 10 referendum.
We call on the
Ben Achtenberg, Refuge Media Project, Boston, MA
Emily Achtenberg, Housing Policy & Development Consultant, Boston MA
Robert Albro, Assistant Professor of Antrhpology, School of International Service, American University
Juan Manuel Arbona, Associate Professor of Anthropology, Bryn Mawr College
Byrna Aronson, Boston, MA
Teo Ballvé, Journalist, former editor of North American Congress on Latin America Report on the Americas
Ericka Beckman, Assistant Professor of Spanish and Portuguese, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Charles Bergquist, Professor Emeritus of History, University of Washington
John Beverley, Professor of Hispanic Languages and Literatures, University of Pittsburgh
Michelle Bigenho, Associate Professor of Anthropology, Hampshire College
Lina Britto, Ph. D. Candidate, Department of History, New York University
Beverlee Bruce, Ph.D., Program Associate, Planning Alternatives for Change, New York City
Joaquín Chavez, Ph.D. Candidate, Department of History, New York University
Mike Davis, Distinguished Professor of Non-Fiction, University of California-Riverside
Nicole Dettmann-Quisbert, Sudbury, MA
Luis Duno-Gottberg, Associate Professor of Hispanic Languages and Literatures, Rice University
Arturo Escobar, Kenan Distinguished Professor of Anthropology, Duke University
Nicole Fabricant, Ph. D. Candidate, Department of Anthropology, Northwestern University
Samuel Farber, Professor Emeritus of Political Science, Brooklyn College
Sujatha Fernandes, Assistant Professor of Sociology, Queens College
Lesley Gill, Professor of Anthropology, Vanderbilt University
Marcial Godoy-Anativia, Associate Director, Hemispheric Institute of Performance and Politics, New York University
Daniel Goldstein, Associate Professor of Anthropology, Rutgers University
Manu Goswami, Associate Professor of History, New York University
Greg Grandin, Professor of History, New York University
Bret Gustafson, Associate Professor of Anthropology, Washington University
Charles R. Hale, Professor of Anthropology, University of Texas-Austin, former president of the Latin American Studies Association (LASA)
Jack Hammond, Professor of Sociology, Hunter College and CUNY Graduate Center
Daniel Hellinger, Professor of Political Science, Webster University
Eric Hershberg, President, Latin American Studies Association (LASA)
Doug Hertzler, Associate Professor of Anthropology, Eastern Mennonite University
Kathryn Hicks, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, University of Memphis
Connie Hogarth, Center for Social Action, Manhattanville College
Forrest Hylton, Ph.D. Candidate, Department of History, New York University
Rachel Kahn-Hunt, Professor Emerita of Sociology, San Francisco State University
Caren Kaplan, Professor of Women's and Gender Studies, University of California-Davis
Laura Kaplan, Bronx Community College
Steven Karakashian, Milwaukie, OR
Marie Kennedy, Visiting Professor of Urban Planning, UCLA, Professor Emerita of Urban Planning, University of Massachusetts-Boston
Eben Kirksey, Ph.D., National Science Foundation Postdoctoral Fellow, Santa Clara University
Naomi Klein, Journalist
Benjamin Kohl, Associate Professor of Geography and Urban Studies, Temple University
James Krippner, Associate Professor of History, Haverford College
Richard Krushnic, City of Boston, Department of Neighborhood Development, Boston, MA
Maria Lagos, Associate Professor Emerita of Anthropology, Lehman College, CUNY
Amy S. Lang, Professor of English and Humanities, Syracuse University
Daniel Lang/Levitsky, New York, NY
Brooke Larson, Professor of History, State University of New York-Stony Brook
Catherine LeGrand, Associate Professor of History, McGill University
Florencia E. Mallon, Julieta Kirkwood Professor of History, University of Wisconsin-Madison
Angela Marino Segura, Ph.D. candidate, Department of Spanish & Portuguese, New York University
Francine Masiello, Acker Professor of Humanities, University of California-Berkeley
Marie-Josée Massicotte, Director, International Studies and Modern Languages, University of Ottawa
Richard Monks, Vice-President, International Union of Operating Engineers, Local 877
Elizabeth Monasterios, Professor of Hispanic Languages and Literatures, University of Pittsburgh
Pablo Morales, Editor, NACLA Report on the Americas, New York, NY
Mary Nolan, Professor of History, New York University
Lisette Olivares, Ph.D. Candidate, History of Consciousness, University of California-Santa Cruz
Almerindo E. Ojeda, Professor of Linguistics, Director of the Center for the Study of Human Rights in the Americas, University of California-Davis
Andrew Orta, Associate Professor of Anthropology, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Deborah Poole, Professor of Anthropology, Director, Program in Latin American Studies, Johns Hopkins University
Nancy Postero, Associate Professor of Anthropology, University of California-San Diego
Seemin Qayum, Independent Scholar and Development Consultant, New York, NY
Peter Ranis, Emeritus Professor of Political Science, City University of New York Graduate Center
David C. Ranney, Professor Emeritus of Urban Planning and Policy, University of Illinois-Chicago
Gerardo Renique, Associate Professor of History, City College-CUNY
Marcus Rediker, Professor of History, University of Pittsburgh
Christina Rojas, Director, Program for International Studies, Carleton University, Montreal, CA
Nancy Romer, Brooklyn College & Professional Staff Congress/CUNY, AFT #2334
Fred Rosen, Senior Analyst, North American Congress on Latin America
Karen B. Rosen, Cambridge, MA
Karin Rosemblatt, Associate Professor of Anthropology, University of Maryland, College Park
Frances Rothstein, Professor of Anthropology, Montclair State University
Ethel S. Ruymaker, Oakland, CA
Tamara Lea Spira, Ph.D. Candidate, History of Consciousness, University of California-Santa Cruz
Kent Spriggs, Spriggs Law Firm, Tallahassee, FL
Diana Steinberg, Boston, MA
Marcia Stephenson, Associate Professor of Spanish, Purdue University
Steve Striffler, Zemurray Chair in Latin American Studies, University of New Orleans
Estelle Tarica, Associate Professor, Department of Spanish and Portuguese, University of California-Berkeley
Sinclair Thomson, Associate Professor of History, New York University
Marilyn Young, Professor of History, New York University
George Yudice, Professor of Spanish and Portuguese, American Studies, and Latin American Studies, University of Miami
Jeffrey R. Webber, Ph. D. Candidate, Political Science, University of Toronto
Mark Weisbrot, Co-Director, Center for Economic and Policy Research, Washington, DC
John Womack, Robert Bliss Professor of Latin American History and Economics, Harvard University
Patricia A. Wright, Retired Urban Scholar, University of Illinois-Chicago
Carol Zuckerman, MD, Boston, MA
Rosanna Zuckerman, Boston, MA
 Franz Chávez, "
 Eduardo Garcia, "Foes of Morales stage general strike in
 Franz Chávez, "
 Agence France Presse, "
 Inter-American Commission on Human Rights Press Release, "IACHR Deplores Violence In
 U.S. Department of State website:
Friday, September 19, 2008
Here is just a taste of his more recent awesomeness:
-"Divisions Emerge in Opposition Strategy", Sept. 4th
-"'Twenty Families Are Obstructing Governability' - Expert", Sept. 10th
-"U.S. Ambassador Expelled for Allegedly Supporting Violent Opposition", Sept 11th
-"Deaths in the Amazon", Sept 13th
Thursday, September 18, 2008
Also Romero gives us this perfectly decent statement concerning background, "The divisions that led to the violence involve disputes over petroleum royalties and Mr. Morales’s efforts to overhaul the Constitution to empower the impoverished indigenous majority." While there is plenty omitted there (and in the rest of the article), at least on the surface it is totally factually correct. I didn't think they could do it. The big improvement rests in Romero's description of the constitution, noticeably lacking the regular bullshit about increasing Presidential power and the supposed "dubious legality" of the proposed text. Did someone do their reading assignment?
So congratulations Simon, you've written your first article on Bolivia meeting the most basic standard of "balance" for semi-decent journalism. I really wonder what kind of recent "internal coup" has been going on in the NYT or Simon's head to actually publish these lines.
Then yesterday, Reuters publishes an article that reads as if it was written, well, for/by this blog. "Morales emerges stronger from crisis". It interviews Mark Weisbrot and makes the same points I made several days ago about the political failures of the opposition coming out of this crisis, even citing the exact same sources I used. Funny... I have to say Reuters coverage has markedly improved in the last couple weeks since the out break of opposition violence. I am not quite sure what to attribute this to, I haven't been paying enough attention to the bylines to say if they've changed staffing or what. But whatever it is (even plagiarism), please keep it up!
So I would like to say that it appears, for at least the moment, that the work this blog, all its friends, and affinities (and anyone else out there!) are doing to propagate a reality based understanding of Bolivia are making moderate inroads with 'mainstream' press. Let's keep it up!
Wednesday, September 17, 2008
"Reactionary Rampage" by Forrest Hylton
"Revolt of the Rich" with Mark Weisbrot
"The Machine Gun and the Meeting Table" by Benjamin Dangl
On September 9th, BBC published "Nazi-era photos surface in Bolivia"(link fixed) about the life of Hans Ertl, the 1936 Berlin Olympics photographer and former lover of Leni Riefenstahl. Like many Nazis, Ertl moved to South America after the war, ending up in Bolivia where he spent the remainder of his life. I recommend the read. The photo above is Ertl and his family in Bolivia 1953.
Then on Sept. 10th, the Guardian published an account by Bolivian journalist Gustavo Sanchez of bringing Klaus Barbie to justice, "In pursuit of Bolivia's secret Nazi". Another good read. As Sanchez recounts, Barbie led a politically active life in Bolivia, hanging with drug traffickers and arms smugglers, as well as playing a prominent role in the bloody 1980 "Cocaine Coup".
The connections between Bolivia's contemporary fascists and the Nazi past are not always limited to their mutual pretensions to racial supremacy. Do not forget that Branco Marinkovic is the son of a 1950s Croatian immigrant (hint, hint). If it is not already obvious, political struggle in Bolivia is about a lot more, and more significant, than you will usually read about.
Tuesday, September 16, 2008
Yes, let's laugh at Bush and don't forget how happy Condi was with her new guitar from Evo before she figured out it was made of coca leaf. hahahaha. You have to hand it to Evo. He sure can set one up.
Also, that Bolivian civil war everyone was looking forward to is not happening. As RickB said of the coup plot over at Ten Percent, "Epic Fail".
Monday, September 15, 2008
But why now? Simple. Desperation. Despite their best efforts, the Bolivian people resoundingly backed Evo (67%) in the August recall referendum that the opposition approved before rejecting and finally submitted to. Things looked pretty bleak for the hypocritical opposition following the recall referendum. The next logical move seemed to be passage of the proposed constitution (which will really put these jackasses in a bind) so they decided to escalate confrontation and go for broke... scheduling the start of this latest protest round and "civic strike" for August 19th, the 37 anniversary of the dictator Hugo Banzer's golpe de estado.
Ok, got it. But what has been the official casus belli? Officially this "protest" was called to demand the end of the use of natural gas revenue in funding a national elderly pension and send the money back to regional department coffers, even though Media Luna shares of natural gas revenue have more than doubled since Evo nationalized the sector in 2006. So take a hard look at that photo to the left because that is literally what the opposition Prefects are against. The word "sick" comes to mind.
So the strike got off to a typical start, featuring fascists thugs beating up on brown people, but the kicker- distinguishing it from the past- was a failed attempt to seize control of the Santa Cruz's local National Police station. But even still, the "civil strike" didn't look to be going anywhere- far from crippling Evo's government. Whatever, just move forward with that unconstitutional "Autonomy Statute" passed in illegal and unverifiable referendum vote and pretend like you are an independent government facing imminent confrontation with those tyrannical "monkey" Injuns.
As Inca Kola News noted, the municipal government of Santa Cruz got caught red handed trying to acquire bullet proof helmets and shields to arm their "Municipal Police" (above). Note: in Bolivia there is no such thing as "municipal police" (at least not legally speaking) only a National Police force exists.
Here they are with their cute UJC shields, the cross emblem clearly visible for all to witness (what good Christians, no?). And yes, they claim to be fighting for "democracy and liberty". If you have seen La Batalle de Chile (link to film), you'll note these guys look exactly the same as those fascists organized to precipitate the 1973 coup.
Below is the photo the New York Times printed with an article by Simon Romero that, of course, doesn't mention UJC's existence, even by some euphemism.
The caption reads: "Bolivian farmers who support President Evo Morales fought Saturday against those who called for more autonomy from his government."
Yup, that is how thin these "journalists" are. The photos contradict their own captions and reports. If you want to review the UJC one can, again, read my "Note to Simon Romero" or better yet just look at the cartoon below, capturing their pure essence.
It is truly not exaggeration to call them fascists. If these guys don't qualify as fascists, no one does. And to be fair. Who are they fighting against? Spot the difference.
Costas: "What has happened is the consequence of State terrorism that exerts the central government and in its blindness prevents it from recognizing the rights of the people."
So it has to be said, because you are unlikely to read it through normal channels, that the opposition coup attempt in Santa Cruz and across Bolivia has failed (or it is better to say 'is currently in the process of failing'), but it would be impossible to say exactly what will come next (Otto agrees). Evo's off handedness has exposed these thugs to clear public viewing, and it seems general sentiment in Santa Cruz is beginning to turn against the scumbags and douches leading the autonomy movement (who really wants to associate themselves with this ugly mess?). An anonymous letter published in Santa Cruz's highly conservative daily, El Deber, has called for the disbanding of the Comite Pro Santa Cruz and UJC and reorganization of the autonomy movement on peaceful and reconciliatory lines. The Comite Pro Santa Cruz is an entrenched fifty year old institution in Santa Cruz, so to have its disbanding called for in El Deber is kind of a big deal. Additionally, the principle conservative opposition political party PODEMOS is falling apart and disbanding as a legal entity. As witnessed in the lead up to the "civil coup" attempt, Media Luna Prefects and primary opposition party PODEMOS found themselves totally unable to formulate a common agenda, scrambling as they're all moving towards irrelevance.
Do not expect to hear much about Evo Morales' incredible leadership guiding his government and country through this crisis right in the face of these racists and fascists. To do so would be to the heretical reversal of the racist stereotypes and discourses buried deep within much 'mainstream' analysis following Bolivia- that old and deep understanding of the Indian or any browny as an ignorant child. Rather, it is Evo who is properly treating the conservative opposition as spoiled children acting up (that they are!), negotiating their privileges while laying a down a firm line not to be crossed.
But get this. Mario Cossio (left), the Prefect of Tarija, initial demands on Linera were to lift the "state of emergency" in Pando, drop the arrest warrant against Pando Prefect Leopoldo Fernández for the El Porvenir Massacre, and include him in the dialogue. Linera rightly said "N-O", 'we don't negotiate with murders'.
Dear Mr President, Sirs,
Reporters Without Borders, a worldwide organisation that defends press freedom, is pleased to note that President Evo Morales’ offer of talks has finally been accepted by opposition prefects after ten days of violence that has left at least 20 dead in the departments calling for autonomy and led to martial law being declared in Cobija, capital of Pando.
This wave of clashes, following earlier outbreaks, has badly hit the press, particularly public and community media. The worst incidents have been the torching of state-run Canal 7-Televisión Boliviana, in Santa Cruz on 9 September by members of The Santa Cruz Youth Union (UJC), the abduction on 12 September, of Juan Domingo Yañique, of radio Red Patria Nueva by militants of the Beni civic committee and gunshot wounds suffered by Claudia Méndez, of privately-owned Red PAT, during a military operation in Cobija.
Kudos to RSF for doing its job in Bolivia. Also, there was a report by the UNIR Fundacion two weeks ago on rising attacks againsts journalists in Bolivia. Apparently 50% of all attacks occurred in that shining beacon of liberty, Santa Cruz. Makes you wonder why western journalists seem so sympathetic towards the "autonomy" movement. I guess they aren't the ones being threatened by fascist thugs.
Sunday, September 14, 2008
Bolivia: Death Toll Reaches 30 in Massacre. Government Unable to Capture Fugitive Prefect
106 Missing in Cobija; Commission Begins Search
How the Massacre in Porvenir Happened
So how long will the western press ignore what actually happened and who's really responsible? forever...?
While you're at it also check out her translations of articles covering Goldberg's expulsion and fascist coup attempt in Santa Cruz.
Expelling Goldberg is a “Big Mistake,” Says United States
Bolivia’s Government Denounces the Fascist Coup Which Has Begun in Santa Cruz
The Bolivian Government Declares the U.S. Ambassador Philip Goldberg Persona Non Grata